ニュース

• KIASユニット4／SIASグループ3連携国際ワークショップ（2007年10月12日～10月13日京都大学）

[Prospectus]
　We have got a good accumulation of information about various Tariqas so far. We tend to imagine a hierarchical organization when we hear a word "Tariqa." Is this true through the long history of Tariqas and throughout the Islamic world? It may be better to grasp this notion as "trend" without concrete organizational form in some cases, especially in the pre-modern period.
　In order to achieve the general idea of Tariqa, we should speculate which elements are indispensable for Tariqa. This question leads us to the importance to analyze various phases of Tariqas based on the comparison among the Tariqas in various times and places.
　It takes a long time to answer this question. The organizer hopes that this international workshop will become a small first step for this significant task.

[Date and Venue]
Date: 12 (afternoon) and 13 (morning) October, 2007
Venue: Meeting Room (AA447), Faculty of Engineering Bldg. No. 4, 4th Floor, Kyoto University（京都大学旧工学部4号館4階東側会議室［AA447号室］）

12 Oct. 13:30-17:30
13:00-13:30 Registration
13:30-14:00
Chair: AKAHORI Masayuki (Sophia University, Tokyo: Head of Group 3, SIAS)
13:30-13:40 SATO Tsugitaka (Waseda University, Tokyo: Project Leader of IAS & Director of WIAS)
　"Welcome Speech"
13:40-14:00 TONAGA Yasushi (Kyoto University, Kyoto: Head of Unit 4, KIAS)
　"Opening Speech"
<1st Session> *14:00-17:30
Chair: AKAHORI Masayuki
14:00-15:00 Alexandre PAPAS (Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris)
　"When Sufi Shaykhs Think Out their Own Tariqa: Some Examples from the Naqshbandiyya"
Commentator: SAWADA Minoru (Toyama University, Toyama)
15:00-16:00 FUJII Chiaki (Kyoto University, Kyoto)
　"'Tariqas' without Silsilas: In the Case of Zanzibar"
Commentator: Simone TARSITANI (Kyoto University, Kyoto)
16:00-16:15 (Break)
16:15-17:15 KISAICHI Masatoshi (Sophia University, Tokyo: Director of SIAS)
　"Institutionalized Sufism and Non-Institutionalized Sufism: A Reconsideration of the Groups of Sufi Saints of the Non-Tariqa Type as Viewed through the Historical Documents of Medieval Maghreb"
Commentator: NAKANISHI Tatsuya (Kyoto Gakuen University, Kyoto)

Reception Party 18:00-20:00
At the Meeting Room III (2nd Floor) of Kyoto University Clock Tower Centennial Hall（京都大学百周年時計台記念館2階会議室III）

13 Oct. 09:00-12:30
<2nd Session>*09:00-11:00
Chair: TONAGA Yasushi
09:00-10:00 NINOMIYA Ayako (Kyoto University, Kyoto)
　"To Whom You Belong?: Pir-murid Relationship and Silsilah in Medieval India"
Commentator: TAKAHASHI Kei (Sophia University, Tokyo)
10:00-11:00 Thierry ZARCONE (CNRS, Paris)
　"Anthropology of Tariqa Rituals: The Initiatic Belt (shadd, kamar) in the Reception Ceremony"
Commentator: MORIMOTO Kazuo (The University of Tokyo, Tokyo)
11:00-11:20 (Break)
11:20-12:30
Chair: TONAGA Yasushi
11:20-12:10 General Discussion
12:10-12:30 HAMADA Masami (Kyoto University, Kyoto: Advisory Member of SIAS) (under negotiation)
　"Concluding Remarks"
* For the summary of each presentation, please find the end. Every title is provisional at the moment. Every speaker is allotted one hour for his/her presentation and the discussion.

[Summaries of presentations]

1. Alexandre PAPAS (Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris)
　"When Sufi Shaykhs Think Out their Own Tariqa: Some Examples from the Naqshbandiyya"

　My paper attempts to reconsider the tariqa from the perspective of a tariqa leader. The case of the Naqshbandi Ahmad Kasani Dahbidi (16th-century) seems particularly interesting inasmuch as this shaykh founded a prominent branch of the Khwajagan order. Within two treatises on the rules and practices (adab) of his tariqa 窶・the Risala-yi adab al-salikin and the Risala-yi adab al-siddiqin (unpublished manuscripts written in Persian) 窶・he gives his own vision of the Sufi institution. While addressing directly to his disciples, Kasani depicts his tariqa in terms of mystical path, religious obligations, spiritual techniques, communal rules and organizational principles. Significantly, the practice of suhbat (spiritual conversation and companionship) is a central one in Kasani's system.
　Through this example, we see how the different meanings of tariqa remain inseparable, indivisible in the conception of a Sufi shaykh. Thus, reading Kasani's treatises on his own Sufi order, tariqa appears as a coherent institution where spiritual progress depends on the degree of administration, as if there would not be any spirituality without worldly authority. Yet one cannot find in Kasani's writings a fixed organizational form of the Khwajagan tariqa: unlike other cases in the history of turuq, here the adab do not conduct every aspects of Sufi life. The tariqa of Ahmad Kasani combines formal rules with informal aspects, depending on the shaykh or khalifa's authority.

2. FUJII Chiaki (Kyoto University, Kyoto)
　"'Tariqas' without Silsilas: In the Case of Zanzibar"

　The aim of this presentation is to develop the features of tariqas (Sufi orders) in Zanzibar (Tanzania) and reconsider the image of them so far. Since the latter half of the 19th century, tariqas have come up to East Africa from Zanzibar, and they contributed to the Islamization of the people of coastal areas and the trade routes. Then tariqas became widely popular among manumitted slaves, who accounted for between two-third and three-fourth of the Zanzibar islands' total population. The practices of tariqas have influenced on their daily life as Muslims.
　In this presentation, I examine tariqas of Zanzibar from some participant observations of the festivals of Prophet Muhammad's birthday, which the majority of tariqas in the Islamic worlds do their practices actively, and interviews to the leaders of the tariqas. The fundamental elements to form tariqas are the following three points, genealogy of the master and pupil (silsila), the name of tariqa which derives from the patriarch, and the practices which they recite the names of the God repeatedly (zikri [dhikr]).
　But in Zanzibar I observed that some tariqas lack of the first two elements, which make much of the relationship of master and pupil. Instead they make a point of zikri, the third point, which their identities are largely based on. In my view this feature is unique to Zanzibar and is not observed in the other Islamic worlds.

3. KISAICHI Masatoshi (Sophia University, Tokyo)
　"Institutionalized Sufism and Non-Institutionalized Sufism: A Reconsideration of the Groups of Sufi Saints of the Non-Tariqa Type as Viewed through the Historical Documents of Medieval Maghreb"

　Perhaps the most important innovation of the Islamic world in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries was the "internationalized" Sufi order. Between 1150 and 1250 C.E. communities of mystics that had heretofore consisted of loosely organized groups of disciples following individual spiritual masters, were transformed into corporate and increasingly hierarchical entities. In the Far Maghreb this innovation first appeared in the form of the ethnically oriented tawa'if, that were centered around important rural institutions such as Ribat Tit-n-Fitr and Ribat Asafi. This increase in complexity correlated with the expansion of each ribat's influence beyond its home region. Such was the case, for example, with the creation of al-Ta'ifa al-Sanhajiyya in the late twelfth century. What started as a parochial institution dependent on the support of a single Sanhaja subgroup, ended as the center of a trans-regional Sufi order that recruited mystics on an ethnic basis from all over the Far Maghreb. A slightly different situation occurred with Ribat Asafi and al-Ta'ifa al-Majiriyya in the thirteenth century.
　These developments are in general agreement with the model of institutional Sufism proposed by J. S. Trimingham, in his work The Sufi Orders in Islam (1971). But while Moroccan tawa'if remained regionally localized institutions, the Qadiriyya and Rifa'iyya, which were organized in Iraq, turned into "internationalized" Sufi orders. Taking a clue from Sufi orders having different characters, I would like to propose that groups of Sufi-saints be categorized into several different types.

4. NINOMIYA Ayako (Kyoto University, Kyoto)
　"To Whom You Belong?: Pir-murid Relationship and Silsilah in Medieval India"

　In Persian works written in Medieval India, we seldom meet with the word 'Tariqa' and, even when we do, it could usually be understood as a Sufic path in general. Modern research works on Indian Sufism might be conscious of this fact because most of them do not use the word Tariqa for Sufi groups or lineages. On the other hand, some researchers explain Sufi orders as 'the networks and lineages.' Judging from how some Sufic groups' names developed, this explanation seems to be suitable to the Medieval Indian situation.
　Sufi lineage itself is called variously in Persian works such as khandan, khanwadah or silsilah. Later in the sixteenth century, these words were used, in many cases, interchangeably. The most common way to distinguish lineages was to add certain pir's name to those words, as 'khandan of Shaykh Baha' al-Din Zakariya.' To identify visitors, Sufis usually asked whose murid he was. Several ways to ask ones pir's name were mentioned in a work written in the Deccan, which shows the importance of pir-murid relationship among them. Then, more abstract expressions like 'khandan of shaykhs (masha'ikh) of Chisht' appear. And in the middle of the fourteenth century, some Sufi groups started to be called by their lineages' names like 'Chishtiyan' or 'Suhrawardiyan.' In this lineage-based group, murids recognized the other branches sharing the same root, but still they believed that their own pir's line has a special importance. Thus, their understanding of the lineage group was double-layered, which is clearly shown in the contents of Siyar al-awliya, a fourteenth century Chishti biography. It is important to notice that understanding of the lineage-based group's structure might be different between affiliated members and observers from the outside.
　Why Medieval Indian people put such an importance to pir-murid relationship? A famous Chishti Shaykh Nizam al-Din Awliya tells one anecdote about the first khirqah, suggesting that being a Sufi is to take over others' sins. He also said that it helps a murid in the Last Judgement to have a pir and be affiliated to a silsilah. In saint worship, researchers usually pay attention to this-worldly benefits like healing diseases. However, these sayings show devotees ask to pirs for help not only for this world but also for the next world.

5. Thierry ZARCONE (CNRS, Paris)
　"Anthropology of Tariqa Rituals: The Initiatic Belt (shadd, kamar) in the Reception Ceremony"

　My aim in this presentation is to investigate the major role played by the ritual of girding on the belt (shadd, kamar) in the reception ceremony in Turkic and Persian Sufi lineages. I would like to point that this ritual was in several cases more significant than the three other reception rituals widespread in Sufism: i.e. the spiritual pact ('ahd, bay'a, mubaya'a), the dhikr (talqin al-dhikr), and the transmission of the cloak (khirqa). The first section of this presentation examines the history of the initiatic belt in the Futuwwa and in the Ottoman guilds of craftsmen (esnaf, lonca), and then its introduction in Sufism through the Anatolian Akhi movement (14th-15th c.). The second section investigates the place of the initiatic belt in the rituals of the Persian Khaksar, and of the Turkish Bektashi and Mevlevi, all being genuine Persian and Anatolian lineages we must consider naturally inclined to adopt this belt. This leads to a third section which deals with the introduction of the initiatic belt in other Sufi lineages which, contrary to the lineages quoted above, were not inclined to adopt this belt in their rituals. This is the case of some Turkish branches of the Rifaiyye and Kadiriye lineages, originally two Arabic lineages which were in the course of time deeply turkicized.