"Not A Wigwam Nor Blanket Nor Warwhoop":

Cherokees and the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union

（「インディアン集落、閧の声はいずこへ−思い描いたインディアン集落見当たらず閧の声も聞こえず−」：
チェロキー・ネイションにおける女性キリスト教禁酒同盟の組織化）

Izumi Ishii*

Summary in Japanese: 女性キリスト教禁酒同盟（Woman's Christian Temperance Union）の研究は1970年代後半から1980年代にかけて高揚したアメリカ女性史の研究を背景に本格化した。その研究において、人種、階級的に多様な女性の参加が指摘されたが、インディアン女性の動向については単にその参加の事実が述べらたにすぎず、詳細な研究はなされていない。そこで、本稿はインディアン・テリトリー（現オクラホマ州）に住むチェロキー・インディアン女性に焦点をあて、そこでの禁酒同盟組織化の過程を考察した。アメリカにおける女性禁酒運動は、1873年冬オハイオ州ヒルズボロに住む女性たちの「聖戦運動」（"Woman's Crusade"）に端を発する。翌1874年11月、禁酒同盟が結成され、女性による、女性のためのアメリカ初の禁酒改革団体が誕生した。二代目会長フランシス・ウィラード（在任1879-98年）の指導の下、多くの女性がこの禁酒運動に参加、1879年以降、インディアン・テリトリーにも指導者が送り込まれることとなる。インディアン女性に禁酒の重要性を説き、禁酒同盟への参加を促す試みは、まず禁酒運動の盛んであったチェロキー・ネイションから始められた。様々な既成概念を胸にアメリカ女性禁酒同盟指導者たちはインディアン・テリトリーを訪れたが、チェロキー・ネイション内の禁酒運動活動家との交流を深めるなか、インディアンやインディアン社会に対する彼女たちの偏見は正され、同志となるインディアン女性活動家との間に徐々に友愛関係が生まれていくこととなる。1888年、インディアン女性は第一回インディアン・テリトリー禁酒同盟年次大会を開催、翌年の第二回大会ではウィラード会長を招聘、女性キリスト教禁酒同盟インディアン・テリトリー支部としての活動が彼女たちの手によって本格化することとなる。

On Christmas Eve of 1873, a group of women in Hillsboro, Ohio, marched into saloons and hotels and demanded that owners halt the sale of alcoholic beverages. Sweeping the state of Ohio "like a prairie fire," the temperance cause soon spread beyond the state to more than nine hundred communities across the country. By praying and singing, female parties persuaded saloon keepers and hotel owners to sign the pledge to withhold alcohol, and within four months, more than one thousand saloons closed their doors, at least temporarily. This "Woman's Crusade" led to the founding of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (W.C.T.U.), which held its first national meeting in Cleveland, Ohio, on November 18, 1874. Accepting male reformers as honorary members and guests only, the W.C.T.U. functioned as the first independent national female temperance organization in the United States.[1] Within a decade, this woman's temperance movement had reached Indian territory, today the state of Oklahoma, which had been set aside for many of America's Native peoples including those from the southeastern United States, the Cherokees, Chickasaws, Choctaws, Creeks, and Seminoles. Forced from their homelands in the 1830s, these Indian Nations had reestablished themselves west of the Mississippi River and adopted many aspects of Anglo-American culture, including the consumption as well as the prohibition of alcohol. This paper focuses on the role of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union in organizing the women of one of these Indian Nations, the Cherokees, to join the temperance crusade and the ways in which participation by Native American women in this reform movement challenged popular notions of Indian "savagery."

Elected the second president of the W.C.T.U. in 1879, Frances E. Willard emerged as the Union's leading figure. During her nineteen-year presidency (1879-98), Willard established the basic policies of the W.C.T.U. and institutionalized the woman's temperance movement under the motto "For God, and Home and Native Land." The badge the W.C.T.U. adopted was symbolic; just as white light reflected all the prismatic colors, the knot of white ribbon these temperance women wore represented "purity and peace" and "all the correlated reforms that center in the protection of the home."[2] Emphasizing both temperance and temperance-related causes, Willard enthusiastically committed herself and the Union to other contemporary social issues such as woman's suffrage and labor exploitation. Year after year, Willard conducted lecture tours to spread the cause while sending other national organizers to establish new unions and strengthen old ones throughout the country.[3] Embracing about 200,000 women during the 1880s, the Union expanded beyond moral authority to become an important political voice.[4]

In Woman and Temperance: The Quest for Power and Liberty, 1873-1900, historian Ruth Bordin pointed out that these reformers sought to cultivate temperance sentiment particularly among southern, working-class, African American, and Native American women, whom they regarded as particularly victimized by the demon rum.[5] W.C.T.U. organizers believed that liquor was responsible for lawlessness and disorder among Native peoples and made their lives miserable. The stereotype of the "drunken Indian" had entered American popular culture well before the advent of the temperance movement, and it conditioned reformers to believe that Native societies especially needed their help.

A number of developments in Cherokee history, however, both challenged the stereotype and explained this tribe's receptivity to the Woman's Christian Temperance Union work. The regulation of alcohol in Indian country had always been a compelling issue for both the United States government and the Cherokee Nation. In 1802, the U.S. Congress passed the Trade and Intercourse Act and forbade the introduction and sale of spirituous liquors in Indian country, but it had never successfully stopped the flow.[6] A conflict between the Cherokee Nation and the United States arose over the issue of sovereignty when the Cherokee National Council began regulating the liquor trade by its own laws in 1819, but both governments approved of temperance.[7] In 1829, a group of Cherokee men organized a temperance society in the Cherokee homeland in the Southeast.[8] Four years later, it reorganized as the Cherokee National Temperance Society with chapters in each electoral district.[9] In 1830, Cherokees who already had moved west of the Mississippi established separate temperance societies for men and women.[10] Though the issue of removal fiercely divided the Nation, and Old Settlers and new arrivals vied for political control after removal in 1838-39, the temperance issue transcended political factionalism and helped the Cherokees unite once again.[11] With the issue of temperance having consistently involved the broader question of sovereignty, however, Cherokee women, who could not vote or hold public office, did not become leading players in the movement until the early 1880s.[12] Their counterparts in mainstream American society had just a decade earlier seized upon temperance as a moral issue in order to assert their influence in the public arena. The Woman's Christian Temperance Union, therefore, provided a place for Cherokee and American women to work hand in hand for the common cause.

Sarah P. Morrison became the first white-ribboner who made her way into Indian territory. In the fall of 1879, Morrison accompanied Emeline H. Tuttle to her husband's mission station in the territory. During the six weeks of her stay, these non-Indians attended the International Temperance Convention in Tahlequah, the Cherokee Nation capital, which organized a committee to ask the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to order enforcement of the federal liquor laws in the territory. The committee claimed credit for the criminal convictions of at least six whiskey dealers. While holding temperance meetings throughout Indian territory, moreover, Morrison and the Tuttles visited the Cherokee National Council which was in session. They presented a letter from President Willard as well as an address authorized by the National W.C.T.U., which later appeared in local Indian newspapers, the Cherokee Advocate and the Indian Journal, with Cherokee and Creek translations.[13]

During her 1881 speaking tour to the southern states, President Willard herself visited Indian territory with her private secretary, Anna Gordon. Her fame preceded her. In early May, Cherokee Chief Dennis W. Bushyhead received a letter from the vice president of the National W.C.T.U., along with a reference from a minister who commended Willard for her "thorough knowledge of the subject, calm but deeply impressive tone, [and] a style of perfect finish."[14] Bushyhead requested Jane Stapler, a prominent Cherokee woman, together with several other women and clergymen, to form a committee to welcome this honorable guest to the capital of the Nation and to make her visit "pleasant and agreeable to herself, and profitable to our people."[15] Much to her surprise, perhaps, Willard encountered "Not a wigwam nor blanket nor warwhoop" during her visit to the Cherokee Nation.[16] Instead, she found a prosperous people engaged in farming, ranching, and commerce. Tahlequah was the seat of government, which was organized according to a republican constitution, and the site of the Cherokee Female Seminary, the first public institution of higher education for women in the American West.[17] Willard's hostess, Jane Stapler, was the daughter of a distinguished Cherokee leader, Elijah Hicks, niece of former Chief John Ross, wife of John W. Stapler, a Tahlequah merchant and former Chief Ross's brother-in-law, and superintendent of the Tahlequah Sabbath School.[18] Stapler soon emerged as a leading temperance reformer in Indian territory.

With Stapler at the helm, the cause of temperance gained ground among Cherokee citizens. The Tahlequah chapter of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union organized in the early 1880s while the male Tahlequah Christian Temperance Union regularly held mass meetings and temperance lectures.[19] The Cherokee Advocate wrote: "The outlook now for a grand temperance boom is most auspicious."[20]

In November 1883, reformers invited a famous temperance lecturer, Emma Molloy, to Tahlequah.[21] At seven o'clock at night, the Reverend W. A. Duncan, president of the male Tahlequah Christian Temperance Union, escorted Molloy to the Baptist church where "the clapping of hands and stamping of feet" awaited her. Molloy mesmerized her Cherokee listeners: "For two hours she held the attention of the audience, so completely that the falling of a pin to the floor could have been heard all over the house." The Cherokee Advocate reported that Molloy's visit to the Nation had "inaugurated, . . . a Temperance movement that must result in great good." At the close of her address, many signed the pledge of total abstinence, and she did not leave the lecture hall until about eleven o'clock.[22]

Having spent the Christmas holidays in her house in Illinois, Molloy returned to Indian territory in early January. When she arrived in Muskogee in the neighboring Creek Nation, she discovered that ice on the Arkansas River prevented the operation of the ferry that would take her to the Cherokee Nation. Refusing to be delayed, she crossed the river "by footing it over on the ice." She hailed a mail hack and reached Tahlequah, "cold and fatigued, but with zeal unabated." Though Jane Stapler and her husband privately welcomed Molloy to town, they could not keep her arrival secret for long: "The news of her return spread over the town rapidly; and in less than two hours the Baptist Church was warmed, lighted and made ready for an evening meeting." Her "informal and short" address was enough for an excited Cherokee audience, and "a general hand-shaking and interchange of friendly greetings" followed.[23]

The Cherokee Advocate praised Molloy when she presented another lecture series in Fort Gibson: "Interest in the community has grown, and the attendance increased, from night to night, until the Methodist church, which is the largest room in the village, is now scarcely able to accommodate the people."[24] After her address, in fact, however, "all but a few" left the church, ignoring her invitation to take the temperance pledge, and "she could not restrain her feelings any longer, and sat down and cried as if her heart would break."[25] An eyewitness to the Molloy Christian Temperance Union meeting, Elizabeth Ross, seems to have provided a clue to the disparity between the huge attendance and the apparent disinterest in temperance: "Women [sic] speakers were seldom seen and heard, and for the purpose of listening to a woman a number of persons, who otherwise probably would have remained at home, were present."[26]

Emma Hicks was more skeptical. She attended Molloy's address one night and wrote to her aunt that despite her "wonderful influence and power of persuasion" and "the good work she had done at Tahlequah," "I fear she will not" have any luck in Fort Gibson where "the people . . . are more hardened and utterly indifferent to every thing that is good, than any place in the Territory, or any where else."[27] Hicks's doubts stemmed from the growing problem of drunkenness in the Nation, particularly in places like Fort Gibson that had large numbers of non-Indian residents. Citizens of the United States who lived in Indian territory were not subject to the laws of the Indian Nations. In the 1870s and 1880s, non-Indians flooded into Indian territory looking for land and job opportunities. Many squatted illegally on Indian land and used their anomalous legal position to engage in unscrupulous and even criminal behavior including the importation, consumption, and sale of alcohol.[28] Even the novelty of a woman lecturer was not likely to reform most of these people.

If it did not suppress drunkenness, Molloy's visit to the Nation was influential in the rise of Cherokee woman temperance speakers. In 1884, Ada Archer of the Cherokee Female Seminary became the first Cherokee woman to speak in public on temperance, and she condemned Cherokee citizens for their unwillingness to observe U.S. laws designed to prevent liquor sales of American citizens to Indians. Harking back to the struggle over sovereignty between the United States and Cherokee government that had been going on for decades, she expressed dismay that "[i]t is dreaded by many persons that the citizens of the Cherokee Nation are more or less imposed upon by the Intercourse laws, that their rights are unduly restrained, and that they are not only under no obligation to sustain those laws, but should resist them as far as possible."[29] The refusal of Cherokees to obey U.S. alcohol regulations exacerbated the liquor traffic among her people. What was worse, she charged, fear of private revenge prevented Cherokees from reporting cases "either to our own courts or to the U.S. Court," and "public virtue carries a blind eye" to the illicit liquor trade. Standing before the Tahlequah Christian Temperance Union, "largely composed of officers of the Government, and comprising representatives from all the professions and stations in life," Archer in effect accused the Cherokee Nation of being incapable of coping with the problem: "[L]et us clearly understand the fact, . . . that we cannot enforce our own law for want of public sentiment, and moral courage among our citizens." She believed that the Cherokees needed "live moral force" to reinvigorate "the force of law."[30]

In addition to inspiring Cherokee women to lecture on temperance, Molloy's tour also helped reactivate the work of the Tahlequah W.C.T.U. Announcing in the Cherokee Advocate that the Tahlequah W.C.T.U. would meet in the Methodist church on March 29, 1884, a temperance advocate who identified herself as "Cherokee" appealed to the conscience of women in the Nation: "Mothers, you are the very ones we need. Your presence even, will help us, . . . Sisters, can you sit quietly by and see your bothers enticed into that path that lead, step by step, down, down to destruction of both body and soul?" By reminding Cherokee women of how they could exercise their female influence on the issue of temperance, "Cherokee" continued her plea: "Not forcibly; but quietly as the snow over-spreads the earth; would we spread the pure white mantle of Temperance over our community, over this, our Indian Land."[31] The Tahlequah W.C.T.U. continued to emphasize motherhood and the proper training of the young and invited children of the cold water army, called the Band of Hope, to its official gathering.[32]

The temperance movement also began to have a direct influence on Cherokee politics. On November 24, 1886, the Tahlequah W.C.T.U. received an invitation from the Cherokee National Council, then in session, to present whatever propositions it had in mind. Members of the union gathered together at the Presbyterian church and prepared a memorial beseeching the Council to enact a tribal law to punish drunkenness. Colonel DeWitt Clinton Duncan, whom a National W.C.T.U. organizer described as the "most courteous and hospitable to his well-wishers," introduced ten W.C.T.U. workers to the Cherokee Council, and their spokeswoman, Miss Sweet, presented a petition.[33] The Council passed the bill, but opposition from the President of the Senate prevented the Nation from branding drunkenness a misdemeanor.[34]

Despite this setback and the resignation of Molloy's successor as W.C.T.U. agent in Indian territory, the reform movement remained strong.[35] Under the direction of President Stapler, the Tahlequah W.C.T.U. recruited many Cherokee women to join in "our effort to elevate the morals and unify the society of our town."[36] The Tahlequah W.C.T.U. became a major force for social reform in Indian territory. The union held monthly public meetings as well as entertainments.[37] Members visited the National Prison regularly to teach Cherokee convicts the importance of a temperate life.[38] Helen R. Duncan of Iowa, who married Cherokee Colonel Duncan, introduced "scientific" temperance instruction in Indian schools.[39] The presence of Cherokee white-ribboners in the Nation also affected the Cherokee police force. Soon after his appointment as high sheriff of the Cherokee Nation on April 28, 1888, Jesse B. Mayes announced his intention to watch, as the law of the Nation directed, every corner of the town to find the illicit liquor trade.[40] Reminding them to "blame yourselves not me for doing my duty," Mayes warned Cherokee citizens: "Now boys this is meant not only for whiskey peddlers but for all those who some times bring it [alcohol] in and deal it out to friends who after imbibing . . . cause guards great trouble and run risk of serious difficulties."[41] Jane Stapler visited Mayes in November to present to him a cake and a bouquet of flowers in token of her appreciation of his being "an efficient officer," and Mayes, in return, reassured the president that he would "do his level best to keep peace and order in Tahlequah."[42]

On July 18, 1888, woman temperance reformers in Indian territory held a two-day, territory-wide Woman's Christian Temperance Union convention in the capital of the Creek Nation, Muskogee.[43] A representative of the National W.C.T.U. Sarah M. Perkins and the president of the Texas State W.C.T.U. attended the convention, which elected Jane Stapler president of the territorial W.C.T.U. The delegates selected another Cherokee woman as corresponding secretary and women from the Creek Nation as recording secretary and treasurer. Perkins, who had campaigned for temperance in the Creek and Choctaw Nations as well as among the Cherokees, expressed her satisfaction and surprise: "I was astonished that the women, unaccustomed to public speaking, could express themselves so well in little impromptu speeches."[44]

On May 4, 1889, the Indian Territory W.C.T.U. celebrated its second anniversary at a meeting in Tahlequah. The capital of the Cherokee Nation once again received special guests from the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union. White-ribboners of Indian territory did not miss this opportunity to demonstrate to President Frances E. Willard and her private secretary Anna Gordon how much they had accomplished as temperance workers since their last visit in 1881. The report of the corresponding secretary documented that "the W.C.T.U. has come to stay. The golden seed has been sown and the good women from all parts of our fair Territory are here to tell us that it is springing up to bring forth an abundant harvest for the future."[45]

In her annual address, President Jane Stapler also encouraged fellow reformers: "Sisters, the consciousness of ignorance and inexperience may weigh upon our souls. But hath not God chosen the foolish things of the world, to confound the wise? Sisters, we are weak but hath not God chosen the weak things of the world to confound the things which are mighty? Let us then, strong in faith, go forward in the glorious work of rescuing the perishing." She continued: "The most encouraging feature of our work is to be found in the determined spirit animating every Union."[46] In the spirit of the occasion, the Atoka Union of the Choctaw Nation invoked the number that southern Indians considered sacred: "We are seven--the magic number seven--hence we expect to succeed."[47]

On the following day, President Willard spoke in the morning before "a cultivated audience of Cherokees" at the Presbyterian church and spent the afternoon visiting the National Jail with a W.C.T.U. representative who held Sunday School for Cherokee convicts. Anna Gordon addressed Sunday School children and the members of the Loyal Temperance Legion in Tahlequah who entertained her with marching songs. At night, Willard returned to the Methodist church and delivered another temperance lecture. In Tahlequah, Willard and Gordon met Chief Joel B. Mayes, "who is, alas! a drinking man, as is painfully palpable," but they did not see any disturbing evidence of intemperance in the notorious Fort Gibson, and they ordered the Union Signal and some other temperance books for the reading room of the town.[48]

While the W.C.T.U. was having a major impact on the Cherokee Nation and its citizens, the growth of the temperance movement in Indian territory changed the image of Native people among temperance reformers. When W.C.T.U. organizer, Barbara O'Brian, traveled in 1889, she reported that she stayed with "the charming president of the W.C.T.U. Indian Territory," Jane Stapler, and enjoyed the most "orderly" legislative session she had ever attended when she visited a Cherokee National Council meeting. She claimed that "this is the result of the labors of the W.C.T.U." National organizers who visited the Indian territory had all acquired a better understanding of Indian life, and they became defenders of Native people, especially Native women. O'Brian was no exception: "The expression 'as dirty as an Indian,' could not have had its birth among the Cherokees, for [even] the full-blooded women could easily give lessons in neatness to many women in Kansas, Missouri and Texas; in fact, to women all over the United States."[49]

The presence of Indian Territory Woman's Christian Temperance Union President Jane Stapler at the 1890 national convention in Atlanta reinforced this enlightened view of Native American women. Anna Gordon's cordial invitation of Indian territory delegates to attend the national W.C.T.U. meeting brought this Cherokee woman back to what was once Cherokee country.[50] Stapler spoke of her connection to the place and the cause: "You do not know, my sisters, what it means to me to come back after an interval of generations to the state where I was born and be welcomed so tenderly by my comrades of the white ribbon, who are fighting with me against the 'fire water,' that has been the curse of my race as well as of your own."[51]

Before the W.C.T.U. audience, Stapler deciphered a myth about Indians. Though Indians, perhaps, had felt the woes of alcohol more keenly than others, "it does not necessarily imply that they have been the hardest drinkers." She recounted how unscrupulous Americans in the territory helped perpetuate this "drunken Indian" stereotype. They distributed alcohol among Indians, became intoxicated with them, and soon began fighting with them. When friends of both parties joined in the fray, "a rush to the frontier post with an alarm that 'The Indians are on the War-path' has caused a hasty parade of troops which has been met by an ambitious chief with his warriors," and a more deadly battle ensued.[52] The true cause of such "destruction and anguish," however, "when the weaker has been driven to the wall has not been written. Perhaps God in his wisdom has prevented their going on the pages of history to tarnish the glory of the greatest nation on earth." Though these alarming conditions led Congress to ban the sale and use of intoxicating liquors in Indian country, the federal liquor laws never entirely suppressed the traffic. The cooperation of the neighboring states in enforcing the law was crucial, she concluded, and "in saving Indians from temptation thousands of whites will be less frequently tempted." Ultimately, "the war-whoop, white and red, [would] become a thing for historical allusion only."[53]

At the close of Stapler's speech, Zerelda G. Wallace of Indiana came forward to offer a testimonial: "Fifty years ago I saw Mrs. Stapler, though until now I did not know it was the same person." Wallace had met Stapler on board a steamboat when her father was taking her to school in New Jersey. Replying to Wallace's surprise that she was an Indian, Stapler said: "Oh, the white people think of Indians as having rings in our noses and bells on our toes; but give us a chance and time will show that the Indian is capable of as high civilization as the whites." Wallace now acknowledged that President Stapler had appeared at the Atlanta Convention "as the best exemplification of her own prophecy," and with her passionate address, she had enlightened all white-ribboners.[54]

The National W.C.T.U. helped systematize the temperance work among the people in Indian territory. The seeds of reform, however, had been sown long before American white-ribboners approached them. The Cherokees' commitment to temperance, reflected in their temperance societies and laws, challenged popular images of Indian drunkenness that were rife in the W.C.T.U. Although many Cherokees resisted the call to take the temperance pledge, their government's support of temperance and their tribal newspaper's publicity of the cause represented a public commitment to the movement. And the enthusiasm that individual Cherokees brought to temperance never failed to impress National W.C.T.U. workers when they visited the territory. The temperance movement among the Cherokees ultimately demonstrated how the objects of reform could become its agents. In 1908, the year after the dissolution of Indian territory and the Cherokee Nation and the admission of Oklahoma to the Union, the Indian Territory W.C.T.U. united with the white Oklahoma Territory W.C.T.U. to form the "Greater Oklahoma State Woman's Christian Temperance Union."[55] This merger of Native and non-Native women is a testament to the success of the Cherokee temperance movement in ways that the founders of the W.C.T.U. never had imagined.

---

* Post-Doctoral Fellow, Japan Society for the Promotion of Science, Tokyo, Japan; Visiting Scholar, Department of History, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

[1] Ruth Bordin, Woman and Temperance: The Quest for Power and Liberty, 1873-1900 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1981), 15-51; Barbara Leslie Epstein, The Politics of Domesticity: Women, Evangelism, and Temperance in Nineteenth-Century America (Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 1981), 95-100; Jack S. Blocker, Jr., "Give to the Winds Thy Fears": The Women's Temperance Crusade, 1873-1874 (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1985).

[2] National Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Statement of Principles W.C.T.U. Catechism and Constitution (The Temple, Chicago: [Woman's Christian Temperance Publication Association?], 1897), 8. Lilah D. Lindsey Collection, Series III, Box 3, Folder 9, Department of Special Collections, McFarlin Library, University of Tulsa, Tulsa, Oklahoma. Hereafter cited as Lindsey Collection, Special Collections, TU.

[3] Bordin, Woman and Temperance, 50, 72-76.

[4] Ibid., 95-123; Epstein, The Politics of Domesticity, 115-46. See also Ruth Bordin, Frances Willard: A Biography (Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1986).

[5] Bordin, Woman and Temperance, 76-88.

[6] U.S. Statutes at Large, II: 139-46. For discussion of federal alcohol regulations in Indian country, see Francis Paul Prucha, American Indian Policy in the Formative Years: The Indian Trade and Intercourse Acts, 1790-1834 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962; reprint, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1970), 102-38 (page references are to reprint edition).

[7] Laws of the Cherokee Nation: Adopted by the Council at Various Periods. Printed for the Benefit of the Nation (Tahlequah, Cherokee Nation: Cherokee Advocate Office, 1852; reprint, Wilmington, Delaware and London: Scholarly Resources, Inc., 1973), 6-7 (page references are to reprint edition).

[8] "Temperance," Cherokee Phoenix, 4 November 1829.

[9] William Rogers to the editor, ibid., 7 December 1833.

[10] Marcus Palmer to Jeremiah Evarts, 15 July 1830, Papers of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, ABC 18.3.1 v. 6, Microcopy, Roll 740, #0239-41. Some missionary journals as well as the Cherokee Phoenix edited and carried this correspondence. "Cherokees of the Arkansas," 15 July 1830, quoted from Journal of Humanity in Cherokee Phoenix, 5 December 1830; Marcus Palmer, "Progress in Religion and Morals," 15 July　1830, Missionary Herald, XXVI, no. 11 (November 1830), 352. "Constitution of the Arkansas Cherokee Temperance Society," Cherokee Phoenix, 27 August 1831; Peggy Whiteman Killer to the editor of the Philadelphian, "Report of a Cherokee Society," 24 October 1831, appeared originally in Philadelphian in Cherokee Phoenix, 31 December 1831.

[11] Izumi Ishii, "'Poisoned by the Bad Fruits of the Civilized Tree': Cherokees and Alcohol, 1700-1907," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Kentucky, 1999, chaps. 2-4.

[12] Laws of the Cherokee Nation, 120-21.

[13] "Report of the Corresponding Secretary, Indian Territory," Minutes of the Woman's National Christian Temperance Union, at the Seventh Annual Meeting, in Boston, October 27th to 30th, 1880 with Reports and Constitution (New York: The National Temperance Society and Publication House, 1880), 92. Woman's Christian Temperance Union National Headquarters Historical Files (joint Ohio Historical Society-Michigan Historical Collections-Woman's Christian Temperance Union microfilm edition, Woman's Christian Temperance Union series, roll 1). Hereafter documents from this series will be cited as W.C.T.U. Historical Files with roll and folder numbers; Sarah P. Morrison, "Report of Committee on Work among the Indians, Chinese and Colored People," ibid., 61-62. See also Frances E. Willard, Woman and Temperance or the Work and Workers of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, 6th ed. (Chicago: The Temple, 1897), 504-10.

[14] J. L. Patierson to the "Governor of the Cherokees," 7 May 1881, "Temperance," Cherokee Advocate, 11 May 1881; W. M. Wightman, 21 March 1881, ibid.

[15] D. W. Bushyhead to L. J. Stapler, 18 May 1881. W.C.T.U. Historical Files, roll 12, folder 12.

[16] Frances E. Willard Journal, 19 May 1881, Transcript, Frances E. Willard Memorial Library, Evanston, Illinois.

[17] For discussion of the Cherokee Female Seminary, see Devon A. Mihesuah, Cultivating the Rosebuds: The Education of Women at the Cherokee Female Seminary, 1851-1909 (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1993).

[18] Works Progress Administration, Project S-149, Indian-Pioneer History Collection, Mrs. Roy Bradshaw, Vol. 104, 132-44, Oklahoma Historical Society, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma. Hereafter documents from this collection will be cited as IPH, OHS, with interviewee's name and volume and page numbers; Cherokee Advocate, 7 September 1872.

[19] Minutes of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, 1880, 132.

[20] Cherokee Advocate, 21 September 1883.

[21] The Cherokee Advocate consistently called her "Emily" Molloy although her real name was Emma Molloy. For Molloy's biographical sketch, see Phebe A. Hanaford, Daughters of America; or, Women of the Century (Boston: B. B. Russell, 1883), 673-76.

[22] "A Great Rally for Temperance, Morality and Christianity at the Cherokee Capital," Cherokee Advocate, 30 November 1883.

[23] "Return of Mrs. Molloy," ibid., 11 January 1884.

[24] "Mrs. Molloy at Ft. Gibson," ibid., 1 February 1884.

[25] Emma Hicks to Ann Eliza Worcester Robertson, 31 January 1884. Alice Mary Robertson Papers, Series II, Box 12, Folder 3, Department of Special Collections, McFarlin Library, University of Tulsa, Tulsa, Oklahoma. Hereafter cited as Robertson Papers, Special Collections, TU.

[26] IPH, OHS, Elizabeth Ross, Vol. 43, 28.

[27] Emma Hicks to Ann Eliza Worcester Robertson, 31 January 1884. Emphasis in original. Robertson Papers, Series II, Box 12, Folder 3, Special Collections, TU.

[28] Ishii, "'Poisoned by the Bad Fruits of the Civilized Tree,'" chap. 5. See also Jeffrey Burton, Indian Territory and the United States, 1866-1906: Courts, Government, and the Movement for Oklahoma Statehood (Norman and London: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995).

[29] For the Cherokees' struggle over sovereignty, see William G. McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1986); Ishii, "'Poisoned by the Bad Fruits of the Civilized Tree,'" chap. 2.

[30] "Temperance Lecture," Cherokee Advocate, 25 January 1884; ibid., 2 May 1884.

[31] "Cherokee," "To the Members of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union," ibid., 28 March 1884.

[32] "Drops of Water," ibid., 6 June 1884; "Rally Once Again," ibid., 5 September 1884.

[33] "Indian Territory, A New Union and Its Work," Union Signal, 23 December 1886, p. 11, col. 2.

[34] Martha G. Tunstall, "Legislation, Indian Territory," Minutes of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union, at the Fourteenth Annual Meeting in Nashville, Tenn., November 16 to 21, 1887. With Addresses, Reports and Constitutions (Chicago: Woman's Temperance Publication Association, 1888), ccxxiii. W.C.T.U. Historical Files, roll 2.

[35] Martha G. Tunstall to [Frances E. Willard], 31 December 1885, in "Work in Indian Territory," Union Signal, 25 March 1886, p. 2, col. 3; ibid., 16 February 1888, p. 1 col. 2.

[36] T. M. Fuller, Cherokee Advocate, 2 May 1888.

[37] Mrs. Julia Rogers, "Proceedings of the Tahlequah W.C.T.U.," ibid., 11 April 1888.

[38] Mrs. Helen R. Duncan to the Union Signal, "Scientific Temperance Instruction in Indian Territory," Union Signal, 11 April 1889, p. 5, col. 3; Cherokee Advocate, 26 September 1888.

[39] "Letter from Helen R. Duncan," ibid., 1 August 1888; Union Signal, 20 September 1888, p. 12, col. 1; Mrs. Helen R. Duncan to the Union Signal, "Scientific Temperance Instruction in Indian Territory," ibid., 11 April 1889, p. 5, col. 3.

[40] See Compiled Laws of the Cherokee Nation: Published by Authority of the National Council (Tahlequah, Indian Territory: National Advocate Print, 1881), 161-62.

[41] University of Oklahoma Libraries, Western History Collections, Cherokee Nation Papers Microfilm Edition, Roll 31, Folder 2925, Bond for Jesse B. Mayes, high sheriff, 28 April 1888; Jesse B. Mayes, "Warning Notice!," Cherokee Advocate, 26 July; 10 October 1888; ibid., 26 July 1888.

[42] Ibid., 14 November 1888.

[43] Sarah M. Perkins and others, "Indian Territory, Call for Convention," ibid., 11 July 1888; Alice M. Robertson, ibid.; "W.C.T.U.," Muskogee Phoenix, 12 July 1888.

[44] Mrs. S. M. Perkins, "Reports of National Organizers," Minutes of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union, at the Fifteenth Annual Meeting in New York City, October 19 to 23, 1888. With Addresses, Reports and Constitutions (Chicago: Woman's Temperance Publication Association, 1888), 283-84. W.C.T.U. Historical Files, roll 2; Sarah M. Perkins, "Indian Territory," Union Signal, 2 August 1888, p. 10, col. 3; Annual Convention Progress for 1889 with press cutting tipped in. Lindsey Collection, Series III, Box 2, Folder 20, Special Collections, TU; "W.C.T.U. Convention," Muskogee Phoenix, 19 July 1888.

[45] Minutes of the Indian Territory Woman's Christian Temperance Union. Held at Tahlequah, Indian Territory, June [sic] 4, 1889 (Muskogee, Indian Territory: Our Brother in Red Pub. Co., [1889?]), 1-3. Lindsey Collection, Series III, Box 2, Folder 20, Special Collections, TU.

[46] "The President's Annual Address," ibid., 4-6.

[47] Minutes of the Indian Territory W.C.T.U., 1889, 6

[48] Frances E. Willard, "White-ribboners of Texas and Indian Territory," Union Signal, 23 May 1889, p. 10, col. 2; Minutes of the Indian Territory W.C.T.U., 1889, 10-11; "Miss Frances Willard," Cherokee Advocate, 8 May 1889.

[49] Barbara O'Brian, "Indian Territory, News and Notes," Union Signal, 26 December 1889, p. 11, col. 1-2.

[50] Minutes of the Indian Territory W.C.T.U., 1889, 10.

[51] Union Signal, 4 April 1895, p. 1 col. 3; Clara C. Chapin, Thumb Nail Sketches of White Ribbon Women (Chicago: Woman's Temperance Publishing Association, The Temple, 1895), 104.

[52] According to the Cherokee Advocate, these U.S. soldiers were ready customers of alcohol, and such disorderly conditions pleased many whiskey peddlers. "When times became too quiet on the frontier to need the presence of soldiers," in fact, these criminal traders attempted to "draw custom" by hiring gunmen who would commit crimes for them and produce "a general disturbance sufficient to cause the Indian agent to dispatch to Washington--'Indians on the war path--send soldiers immediately.'" Cherokee Advocate, 17 June 1899.

[53] Mrs. L. Jane Stapler, "Address of President of Indian Territory to National Convention," Minutes of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union, at the Seventeenth Annual Meeting in Atlanta, Georgia, November 14th to 18th, 1890. With Addresses, Reports and Constitutions (Chicago: Woman's Temperance Publication Association, 1890), 390-92. W.C.T.U. Historical Files, roll 3.

[54] Union Signal, 27 November 1890, p. 10, col. 1; Minutes of the National W.C.T.U. Annual Meeting, 1890, 34-35.

[55] "Oklahoma and Indian Territory Unions are United," Union Signal, 8 October 1908, p. 12, col. 1-3; Harriet D. Heberling, "Oklahoma," Report of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union Thirty-fifth Annual Convention Held in the Auditorium Denver, Colorado October 23-28, 1908, 166-67. W.C.T.U. Historical Files, roll 7.